Three Thousand Versts of Loneliness

This article was published first in the News Letter, 21 February 2018. It may have been Sinn Fein that withdrew from the executive and refused to share power for thirteen months, but the way last week’s talks collapsed allowed blame to be pinned squarely on the DUP. The party has to take responsibility for communicating its position clumsily, but the balance of criticism has been grossly unfair. After all, what exactly was the DUP supposed to do in the circumstances? The latest impasse cannot be viewed in isolation. Though to listen to Northern Ireland’s increasingly vocal and partisan cohort of nationalist commentators, you’d think that every new political stand-off at Stormont was a unique and novel affront by unionists. The truth is that Sinn Fein has used the same tactics many times before. Republicans habitually collapse power-sharing, create a crisis and then allow demands to build that unionists should accommodate them by agreeing some sort of compromise. If...

In the recent past, there was a common idea among academics who thought and wrote about unionists, that there were broadly two types of unionism in Northern Ireland. ‘Cultural unionism’ concentrated on defending a way of life regarded as specific to Protestants in Ulster and it was most closely associated with the DUP, while ‘liberal’ or ‘British unionism’ was focussed on the UK as a whole and influenced some quarters of the UUP. People’s attitudes and motivations can rarely be put into categories so neatly, but there was some truth to the distinction. A common Ulster Unionist jibe asserted that the DUP was an “Ulster nationalist” party with little time for UK politics or modern British society, and scarcely deserved to be called ‘unionist’ at all. From the perspective of late 2017, it’s a lot more difficult to sustain that claim. Whatever the merits or otherwise of Brexit, the DUP threw itself into a nationwide campaign and argued the case for the whole UK to leave the EU...

In yesterday's Belfast Telegraph I considered Conor Murphy's proposals for bilingual road signs, its divisive potential and the coincidence of timing which see's it distract from the Minister for Regional Development's bread and butter woes. Has the Department for Regional Development not got enough work to do? Cynics will wonder whether it's entirely coincidental that Sinn Fein's Conor Murphy has chosen to publish controversial proposals for bilingual road signs just as criticism over the water crisis reaches a crescendo. The issue is a useful distraction for the minister. His DRD consultation paper envisages traffic signs featuring either Irish or Ulster Scots alongside the English language. A 'proposer' would petition the local council for bilingual "welcome signs" for their town or village, "supplementary plates" for warning notices (for example underneath the red triangles which warn motorists that a school is ahead) or tourist...

In today's Belfast Telegraph I have my say on Conor Murphy's proposed policy to cantonise Northern Ireland with traffic signs in either Irish or Ulster Scots.  Why not commission the graffiti artists who spray  "Prods out" or "Taigs out" on walls to DRD instead?  It would be cheaper and just as effective. Over at Newswhip Jason Walsh highlights a tiff between Alliance and the SDLP over the issue.  Conall McDevitt sees Anna Lo's "ghettoisation" and raises her a "sectarianism".  A pointless quarrel over a pointless initiative. As anyone who read the piece in today's Tele will know, I'm highly suspicious of Murphy's motives in raising this issue, particularly right now.  It's the typical Sinn Féin tactic of sparking controversy, starting a sectarian bun-fight and then claiming the moral high-ground. The DRD minister should complete his spending plan for the draft budget and sort out Northern Ireland Water, rather t...

Over at Forth (subs required) I argue that the New Force should take a fresh look at Irish and re-evaluate received unionist wisdom. Traditionally unionism has a fractious relationship with Irish, and understandably so: it has historically been used to advance nationalism’s political ends. Today Sinn Féin is frequently accused of exploiting language issues, and not just by its political opponents. The Irish language lobby itself has become more vocal, voicing its disquiet with a party whose rhetorical support is not always matched by practical assistance. Unionist anxiety has allowed the language to become an important emotional symbol for nationalism. The truth is that Irish only remains a useful tool for republicans whilst unionists continue to treat its very existence as an affront to British identity. It is a situation exacerbated by the current system at Stormont. In the Northern Ireland Assembly the DUP and Sinn Féin act as champions of their respective communities. They c...

What world is Nelson McCausland living in? He thinks that, in the midst of a recession, wasting £25 million on minority language broadcast funds represents "good news for unionists"! Ulster Scots is getting £5 million you see. What percentage of pro-Union voters have even a semblance of interest in this so-called language, accepted by most leading authorities as a dialect of Scots, which for political reasons has been pursued as a rival to Irish? Here are a few reactions from a non-politics website frequented by sports fans in Northern Ireland. I heard a dupe-r on earlier saying that the money for Ulster Scots was good for unionism...can anyone explain why? Selfish f**king hateful self serving scum. They've closed a ward in the dementia unit at Holywell hospital due to lack of funds. What a scandalous waste of money at any time never mind in the middle of a recession. Disgraceful Absolute disgrace how they can justify this is beyond me How exactly are they going to...

I have written before about unionists who adopt a default reaction of hostility towards the Irish language. It is a particularly unconstructive, counterproductive approach, which fosters a feeling, amongst nationalists, that unionism is unreceptive towards any manifestation of culture in Northern Ireland which it perceives as ‘Irish’. The DUP in particular, but other unionist parties too, are accustomed to presenting any blow to the Irish language as a victory for unionism. Of course, it is not right that the language should always be accorded precedence, or allocated funds, which it does not merit but, whatever the political misuses it has been put to, it is patently ridiculous to subject an aspect of the United Kingdom’s cultural wealth to blanket animosity. I am sceptical about the need for many of the things to which the various Irish language lobbies aspire and there are other suggestions, made by language enthusiasts, which I would categorically oppose. I am not convinced, f...

Highlighted by Michael on Slugger, the third clause of the SDLP's proposed Irish Language Bill , 3. To the extent that any provision in any other Act of Parliament or any other Act of the Northern Ireland Assembly, or any other form of legal regulation, is inconsistent with the provisions of this Act, the provisions of this Act shall take precedence. Without wishing to damage my liberal reputation on Irish language issues, I feel it may be a little too far to position a piece of language legislation as the supreme statutory authority governing Northern Ireland. Does the SDLP really think it can use power, devolved from Westminster, to assert precedence over all Acts of Parliament made there? Minority languages need to be encouraged in Northern Ireland and afforded a measure of protection. We certainly do not need 'official languages' - we do not comprise a separate state - and we do not need legal impositions guaranteeing provision of a language in work, the courts and g...

Although I implied previously on Three Thousand Versts that the UUP is the unionist party most likely to constructively address Irish language issues, without presenting itself in intractable opposition to the language, I certainly did not mean to suggest that universally the party had begun taking this approach as yet. Fair Deal was quick to accuse me of partisan bias on that thread, so to be fair I should address new comments by an Ulster Unionist who frequently falls into the trap, which it is my contention unionists must avoid. David McNarry is regularly and vocally to be heard putting himself in ostentatious opposition to anything pertaining to the Irish language. I have criticised him before in this regard, suggesting that, whilst I could understand his frustration at the political use of Irish in parliament buildings, he had better curb his irritation, as it was becoming counter productive. Whilst I appreciate that McNarry might be more interested in the hard-line kudos ...

It would be, I acknowledge, unduly churlish to pen a virtual heckle at news that the impasse over Stormont executive meetings may be close to resolution. If, at long last, Sinn Féin has decided to return to work and meet its counterparts at the executive table, then a start can be made on the long backlog of work which has accumulated over the course of 152 days. Doubtless there will be relief in Downing Street and self-congratulation from Northern Ireland’s two main parties if the stuttering show can be kept on the road for a while longer. However, although a resumption of executive business will offer the optical illusion of effective government and although Provisional Sinn Féin may be placated for the time being, the same system which resulted in over five months of stasis will remain, with all its weaknesses and failures intact and the same parties predominant. Redemption’s Son offers some useful analysis of detail which might comprise a deal between the Shinners and the DUP...

If you were asked to name an organisation less likely to promote a positive vision of what it means to be British than the UDA, it might take a while to come up with an answer. Let us not forget that the political ‘brains’ behind this paramilitary organisation spent the 1970s arguing for Ulster independence. If anyone were actually to attend Gordon Brown’s focus groups which seek to define Britishness, it is unlikely that ‘a loose amalgamation of sectarian murder gangs, criminals and drug dealers’ would feature in members’ ‘quintessentially British’ top 10. Nevertheless, the UDA has announced that it is to launch a campaign against the ‘unabating Sinn Féin threat to British culture’ . Anyone who detects ominous overtones in such an ambition, given that the organisation has yet to decommission its illegally assembled arsenal, should set their mind at rest. The Association has in mind a non-violent ‘battlefield’. Any right thinking person will not welcome the prospect of republican...

I’ve argued previously on Three Thousand Versts that unionists must adopt a more subtle approach to the Irish Language. Although I recognise the difficulties that its politicisation has precipitated for unionism, I believe that a more constructive strategy can minimise the political capital extracted from the language by Sinn Féin and locate unionist argument on a more tenable footing as regards the diversity of cultures encompassed within the UK, and their protection. Perhaps this position might be gaining a little currency in some quarters. Dawn Purvis suggested to the Progressive Unionist annual conference, held on Saturday, that it is counterproductive for unionists to continue to treat the Irish Language as a cultural battleground. She would like to see the DUP ‘wrest control of the debate’ from nationalism by bringing forward proposals for Irish Language legislation. Her view is endorsed by an unlikely source on Slugger O’Toole. Whether it is necessary for unionists to s...

In so far as it diminishes the possibility of extreme and cripplingly expensive legislation, reports that the Labour Government will not introduce an Irish Language bill at Westminster is good news. To accord the Irish Language equal legal status to English in Northern Ireland would be an impractical, disproportionate and politically loaded means to promote its use and could only result in resentment and enormous expenditure at tax payers’ expense. I have previously argued that the Irish Language is an important part of the cultural fabric of the United Kingdom and that it therefore deserves appropriate support in the spheres of culture and education. Unfortunately the language’s politicisation has ensured that there are few advocates of a middle ground on the Irish Language. On one hand we have Sinn Féin, demanding a bill which would enforce the language’s legal status, with the attendant repercussions for public services, businesses and the courts. On the other we have unionism...

On its website and on official paperwork the Department for Culture, Arts and Leisure carries translations of its name in the Irish Language and in ‘Ulster Scots’. The latter is formulated ‘Mannystrie o Fowkgates, Airts and Aisedon’. I shit you not! Recently a selection of ‘native speakers’ were surveyed as to whether this compendium of guttural sounds actually meant anything comprehensible to them. Not one respondent understood the translation (supposedly into their language). When asked which language was being spoken suggestions ranged from Irish to Polish. This gem was related on Talk Back today to Ulster Scots devotee (although he claims not to speak the language himself) Nelson McCauseland. In the usual pompous timbre of irritation assumed by DUP representatives whose idiocy has been exposed, Nelson ranted self-righteously about new words being imported into languages, English included, every day. Which might be true, although introducing a handful of new words to cover ...

To dissent from Lord Laird’s opinion , I do not believe that £6 million funding secured for the Irish Language Broadcast Fund (and seemingly announced on behalf of the government by Gerry Adams!) is either ‘disgusting’ or ‘despicable’. The means by which the funding was secured is certainly a concern. It seems that in the Labour Party old habits dies hard, and Sinn Féin’s threats have once again been rewarded with a dividend. Noteworthy also, is that the linkage between the Irish language and the Provisionals becomes once again implicit, with SF portrayed as the language’s champion. But actually, funding broadcasting initiatives for this language seems to me to represent precisely the type of cultural support which it should receive. With some justification unionist politicians might argue that there are other ways in which the money could be spent to the greater good, but these types of arguments arise wherever cultural initiatives receive funding. Governments must always ba...

The Irish Independent carries an article by Emer O’Kelly which highlights how the Irish language is misused by ethno-nationalists and how this political misuse actually causes antagonism toward the language. The article focuses on the Republic of Ireland, but it is equally pertinent in Northern Ireland where the language is often considered as inextricably linked with republicanism. Of the nationally minded language zealots O’Kelly alleges, “Its politically-minded proponents (as opposed to those who just speak Irish fluently and gracefully without using it as a weapon) refuse to accept the irrelevance of the language in most people's lives, and by their antagonism towards that majority view, have gone a long way to institutionalising negativity towards the language.” O’Kelly highlights how the Republic’s commissioner for the Irish language has attacked appointments to the justice system where he questioned the appointee’s fluency in the Irish language. She argues that such camp...

I am in no way a champion of greater funding for the Irish Language, although I believe it does deserve its slice of the budget allocated to culture. However a story from the Irish News highlights that spending on Ulster Scots from the DCAL will soon outstrip spending on Irish and this is instructive of how the sectarian carve-up in government here is directly connected to the fashion in which DUP and SF ministers are managing their departments. Put simply, ministers such as Edwin Poots and Caitriona Ruane fund and promote their personal and community interests to the exclusion of projects for the other community or projects which would benefit both communities. Ruane’s focus on Irish medium education, whilst her department cannot produce a clear plan to replace academic selection (which will affect everyone) is the classic example. Less publicised was Ruane’s decision to fund primary school language teachers in a scheme to encourage bi-lingualism in our children. What’s the probl...

Contrasting stories regarding ‘Gaelige’ this morning suggest that as Northern Ireland prepares to launch itself into inappropriate territory in deference to Irish Language extremism, the Republic of Ireland is being forced gradually to extricate itself from just such a hornet’s nest. Demanding Irish Language qualifications from lawyers was ethno-nationalist folly which persists in other areas of life in the Republic such as teaching and the Civil Service. It is undoubtedly an indication of the increased pluralism and self-confidence of society in the south that this requirement is being abolished . The prerequisite of Irish has been identified as “no longer practical or realistic” and by these criteria, as well as by basic standards of inclusiveness, surely other requirements which seek to prescribe Irish for those working in public jobs must also become obsolete. Ironically the expensive and impractical maintenance of Gaelic as an official European Union language is becoming increas...

An interesting story has been unfolding in the southern Irish press over the past couple of days. The main source of intrigue for me personally, is watching the Irish Language lobby, which in Northern Ireland persists in framing its arguments as part of a spurious “rights based” agenda, merrily trampling over much more fundamental rights from their position of ascendancy in the Republic . The issue arises in Dingle, where the population have had their run-ins with the Irish Language extremists before, demanding that the name of their famous town, popular as a tourist destination, remain in the anglicised form. Irish people from County Kerry are now being denied education in the main spoken language in the Republic, English, in Dingle. The Irish Examiner today published a fierce and entirely justified rebuttal defending the priority of children's education. The controversy in Dingle is a cautionary tale in the north where legislation to go down a similar hubristic road is a curre...

It is difficult not to have sympathy for David McNarry’s views on the Irish Language within the Assembly. It must be galling to have one’s time wasted and patience exhausted by an exercise in political posturing by Sinn Fein. To then be accused of anti-Irishness , simply because you refuse to play along with this charade quietly is a further preposterous indignity. Making an issue of his frustrations, however, is playing into the hands of Sinn Fein who are intent on stirring passions on this issue and turning it into a specious equality agenda. I have indicated before that unionists need to maintain cool heads on this issue and not succumb to anything which can be perceived as a gut reaction to the Irish Language.